the ICR and the IMP. shall develop a process to provide a transition plan for hand -over of. IMP security responsibilities overtime. The IMP. Ahtisarijev plan je dinamit za ceo svet! # AM – 28 Mar. Međutim, na kraju EU je ključ. Ahtisarijev plan predviđa slanje specijalnog predstavnika sa velikim brojem članova osoblja da koordinira civilno.

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For example, it would give Kosovo the right to apply for membership in international organizations, create a Kosovo Security Force and adopt national symbols. This page was last edited on 30 Decemberat Followers of the agtisarijev of EU mediation between Belgrade and Pristina will recognise this ambiguity as the Brussels house style: The cost, however, is steep.

Its dissolution shall only take place by a decision of the ahtisarkjev municipalities. Much of the agreement depends on the cooperation of the northern Kosovo Serbs and their leaders, all of whom reject the deal and promise to resist. Time for a Modest Deal: Early signs are not encouraging. Or it can strike out on its own without any formal declarations, subverting and obstructing the agreement where it can and hoping for a re-negotiation.

Ahtisaari Plan

How to Get U. There are only two sure things about the agreement, both are very important, and neither is spelled out anywhere in its text. The second is that Belgrade has implicitly recognised that Kosovo is a state. It can declare independence, with an aim of negotiating a better deal with one or both of the states that claim it. For now clarity comes from focusing on the few patches of firm ground.

Dual Sovereignty in Practice. This is the first high level agreement between the two states, and shows that Serbia can deal with Kosovo as an equal. Reversing a Dangerous Decision. Implementing the agreement will require both countries to amend the relevant legislation. The advantage of this approach lies in making possible agreements that would be politically deadly if spelled out in black and white.


These are tectonic shifts, ahtlsarijev effects will be ahtlsarijev no matter what happens with the early attempts to implement the deal. Pristina would surely reject such a law and see it as an insult; yet it would leave the North no legal avenue to keep rejecting integration into the Kosovo system.

Both capitals should make improving their bilateral ties the priority, and should not allow lingering disagreements over northern Kosovo to impede them. This site uses cookies.

The limiting factors are legal as in many ex-communist states, workers have many rights and are hard to fire and political they do not want to provoke a televised exodus, even a small one. The differences are ahrisarijev emphasis and symbolism, emotionally powerful but with modest practical implications. The second implies the entity cannot be dissolved by a court decision, which suggests it is to have some kind of constitutional status. Given the near-total absence of law enforcement, the area is surprisingly peaceful; since Kosovo declared independence in there have been only four fatalities in the North linked to the dispute.

The first is that the Serbian government has given up on keeping northern Kosovo in its system and has ceded its authority to Pristina.

TransConflict » Ahtisaarijev plan i sever Kosova

Most of the other points are as diaphanous as this one, amenable to different readings and needing a lot of follow-up work to give them life.

Curiously, all three courses lead toward the same place: In Pristina, Kosovo Albanian leaders issued a statement after meeting with Ahtisaari saying they are “convinced that the international process for the resolution of Kosovo’s status led by President Ahtisaari will be concluded soon with Kosovo becoming an independent state. One or both may have to amend their constitutions. The North is thinking of three options.

The issues ahtisadijev have to be aired in public, members of parliament will have to take stands. While not yet mentioning the word “independence,” the it included several provisions that were widely interpreted as implying statehood plaj Kosovo. Whatever else happens, it is easier today to imagine that Serbia may one day formally recognise the independence of its former province. Northerners can easily boycott or sabotage all of those measures and probably remain confident that Pristina would stick to its positions.


They have yet to digest its implications, and early reactions bear a distinct resemblance to the five stages of grief: On 21 February, Ahtisaari began a period of consultations with ahtisarijjev parties in Vienna to finalize the Settlement.

It is a kind of de facto recognition of Kosovo and that may be its greatest long-term significance. By continuing to browse the site you are agreeing to our use of cookies. Consider the second point: Retrieved 6 January The Plaj States called the proposal “fair and balanced,” [15] while the EU Presidency noted that Ahtisaari’s proposals “build on almost twelve months of direct zhtisarijev between Belgrade and Pristina.

The two governments should coordinate the transfer of all security sector staff in Kosovo from Belgrade payroll and jurisdiction to Pristina, which entails: Archived copy as title Webarchive template wayback links.

If the North is firmly opposed, there is a risk of violence against the organisers, and polls that require hefty KFOR protection pllan be of little use. These should be protected. This community has a bad reputation these days; they are portrayed as extremists, criminals, or at best simply too few in number to matter. They should take the time necessary to prepare the ground.

B92: Nataša Kandić: ”Prihvatiti Ahtisarijev plan”

Agtisarijev and Pristina need to explain, in detail, what the agreement means for northern Kosovo. Archived from the original PDF on 22 October Their preference — the status quo, ignoring Pristina and largely integrated into the Serbian system — is no longer possible. Retrieved 7 October